The internal structure of the non-quantified dp

Laburpena

This thesis provides a complete internal structure of the non-quantified DP. The main argumentation in this dissertation is geared on Abney's DP Hypothesis (1986; 1987). Building up from this hypothesis, I begin providing the structure of the simplest DP, the DP formed by an article and a noun. I argue for the existence of nP, a functional projection parallel to vP, its verbal counterpart. When an object denoting noun is present in the NP, the nP contains all the uninterpretable -features, gender and number, and triggers the movement of the noun in order to check its interpretable -features. I subsume in the nP node all functional projections that different authors have proposed for nominal structures to check ¿-features. I claim that there are higher and lower adjectives. Higher adjectives are those that are always pronominal in Romance, and those that dramatically undergo a change in meaning when in prenominal position. Lower adjectives are those that are postnominal, and sometimes can be focalized raising to a pronominal position. I assume that demonstratives project their own maximal category. Moreover, I provide evidence for the presence of the features [± deictic] and [± anaphoric]. In Western Romance dialects, only prenominal demonstratives are [+ deictic]. Only the [+deictic] feature can check the referentiality in Dº, which raises the demonstrative to this position, Dº. A new taxonomy of nominalizations is also included in this dissertation.