The derivation of dative alternations

Resumen

This paper argues for an updated version of the classical derivational approach to Double Object Constructions and dative constructions across languages. We show that the arguments to postulate a non-derivational approach do not hold and that, in fact, such an approach runs into unsolvable problems. We argue that the structural alternation is triggered by Preposition (applicative) incorporation and Case/Agreement-relational considerations. We maintain a unified analysis of dative and PP constructions at the level of argument structure, while deriving the structural differences as a consequence of the incorporation of P and its modification of the Case requirements. Combined with a non-symmetric theory of Case, this approach yields the right results for most of the "mixed" properties traditionally associated to dative constructions.